Oleksandr Kyselov, Social Movement
By Oleksandr Kyselov (pictured) Board Member of Social Movement
As Ukraine enters its fourth year of countering Russian aggression, the experience of its left-wing activists offers not only a testimony of survival but also a warning. Based on a speech delivered at the congress of Denmark’s Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten), this text reflects on the hard lessons of the war: solidarity, organisation, security, and political relevance in times of crisis. It argues that the European left must rethink its approach to defence and democracy, not when it’s already too late, but now, while it still can.
Solidarity That Matters
I still remember when the war began. I was studying in Malmö, and not long after the Russian invasion started, I received an email from Mikael Hertoft, then a member of Enhedslisten’s main board. He asked me to meet with their activists, who wanted to hear and learn about what was happening in Ukraine. At the time, I knew little about the party. When I asked around, all I heard was that it came from three different but very revolutionary groups with strong opinions, which is not always a good sign when it comes to assessing the situation in our country. So I entered that meeting not knowing what to expect, but I never regretted it since.
In my region, we have a saying: you learn who your friends are in times of need. And as time has shown, we have many friends in Enhedslisten. Comrades who have bravely advocated for our cause, argued, written, translated, and travelled, under dangerous conditions, to Ukraine, invited us back to exchange experience and rest, provided platforms to speak, promoted trade union support initiatives, and raised our issues locally and at the European level. Not only talking about solidarity but living it.
The Ukrainian Left at War
The situation of the Ukrainian left has always been difficult, and the war hasn’t made it easier. Our cooperation with Enhedslisten and Alternativet through the Danish Institute for Parties and Democracy has helped us survive in the changed environment, try new approaches, and reach new audiences among union activists and civil society. However, the foundations of an organisation born from an activist group were often informal: agreements were based on personal trust and tacit understandings. War shattered that. Increasingly, more of our activists or their close ones are in the army, sometimes drafted and sent away in one day. New members arrive, but without proper political training and guidance, they often feel confused. It has become harder to hold discussions or collectively shape our strategy. The stakes are high; the atmosphere is tense, the expectations placed on us are great, yet our physical and mental resources are limited. Meanwhile, martial law severely restricts the forms of action the left traditionally relies on: there are no major street protests, campaigns, or elections.
I say this not to ask for your support, though it remains vital, but to underline: when the war comes, you will carry with you every organisational weakness you have. If you can change and strengthen your structures, do it before the hard times arrive.
The Civilian Cost of War
Whatever our internal problems are, they pale compared to what we face as a country. Daily missile and drone attacks have become routine after more than 1200 days of war. No one is surprised anymore – people just scroll through such news. The future feels unclear. Apathy is spreading. Many are withdrawing, seeking individual ways to survive or escape.
Ukraine today is a country of contrasts. There are countless examples of innovation, breakthroughs, self-organisation, and grassroots cooperation. But there is also a lack of coordination that allows scaling things up; there is alienation, demoralisation, and scepticism, particularly when sacrifices are used to compensate for unpreparedness, chaos, or incompetence.
Our identity, our very right to exist, is questioned by Russia. On the other hand, the government, the media, and the liberal-nationalist intelligentsia keep dictating to us who the “right” Ukrainian is, how we must speak, and what we ought to believe in. It’s difficult not to feel helpless, and that is when the invisibility of the left, which hadn’t foreseen, which hadn’t prepared, hits hard.
Today, too often, we must rely on your involvement from abroad to raise critical voices. In a country at war, it is easy to dismiss dissent as coming from “traitors of the nation” or “Kremlin agents”. Criticism can be illegal; opposition can be dangerous. So your support is essential, but will you have someone to turn to if the worst happens in your land
Another bitter lesson of the war is that civilians always suffer the most. Not only from deliberate terror or as “collateral damage” in the hunt for a hefty military target, but also because nobody cares when they are caught in the crossfire. The intelligence might be wrong, jammers may disrupt the trajectory, equipment could malfunction, and even debris from shot-down drones or missiles do fall somewhere in the end. Then, homes or buses become unintended targets. But when the bombs fall and enemy soldiers come, civilians don’t know what to do and have nowhere to go. A persistent problem is that many people refuse to evacuate even when their neighbourhoods are semi-destroyed. The uncertainty of leaving seems worse because they do not believe they will be cared for somewhere else. It is truly terrifying to see.
Civilian workers, such as nurses in frontline hospitals, and critical infrastructure staff maintaining vital systems under attack, often handle double shifts, but are barely paid a few hundred euros a month. Yet they are expected to endure without complaint because “wartime has other priorities.” And what could they say when the economy is shattered, and our budget expenditure depends on foreign aid?
Even the army consists of former civilians, most of whom were not born for war, never dreamed about it or practised for it. Many didn’t have proper training and were rushed to the front because, in war, there is never enough time. Many are exhausted, fighting for three years in a row in understaffed units without rotation or leave, because our reserves are insufficient. This is not to mention how munition shortages, often caused by political turmoil in high places around the world, affect their chances of survival.
What I’m trying to say is that unpreparedness costs, especially for those who have nothing to do with the war. Please weigh this in. We owe it to them, we owe it to ourselves to take this seriously before, not after.
The two-track policy adopted by Enhedslisten in 2023 to combine military and diplomatic support has proven wise. Today, Ukraine is forced to negotiate with Russia. Ukraine is asking for a ceasefire, but Russia shows no interest in anything short of our capitulation and complete subjugation to their will, and even that without any guarantee that, at some point, they won’t demand even more. Had diplomacy been our only policy option, we would have fallen already. But worst of all is that, in the end, we still have very little to counter with if we are forced into a corner. Our survival today depends on external funding to keep the economy afloat, timely delivery of military supplies, from artillery shells to air defence systems, access to satellite intelligence and communications networks like Starlink, and import of key components and resources for domestic production. None of this comes unconditionally. This weakness is a direct consequence of decades of neoliberal policies: austerity, privatisation, and deindustrialisation. These are the same policies many elites in Europe still pursue.
Lessons on Security for the Left
When discussing defence and security, don’t take it lightly. Do not repeat our mistakes. We did not believe in the possibility of war, neither in 2014 nor in 2022. We hoped and called for dialogue, as most of our society, except for some marginal groups. But the war came, and we were caught unprepared, if not completely discredited, because the positions we had defended turned out to be useless or harmful in the new reality.
You cannot fight fascism with open arms and flowers. The left now faces a historic challenge. Meeting it requires more than finding the right words to warm our hearts. It requires offering credible answers that can build majorities.
I know many of you might be sceptical about the European Union, and often, for good reasons. Many of its failures were clearly outlined by Per Clausen. But do not give up on a united Europe before exhausting all possibilities. Even if you can do better without it, for Ukraine, EU membership may be the only option available to avoid being left alone. Indeed, the right wing dominates EU institutions today and has no plans to implement a progressive agenda, but public pressure, the crisis itself, and the broader threats we all face can shift the balance.
The establishment is confused and scared by the populists within, by the US and Russia without. Even if they use militant rhetoric just to maintain control, make them hostages of their own words and force them to act on them. Security is not just about money spent on weapons, although you do need arms and munitions. But you also need robust public infrastructure and services to sustain a defence effort. And it is equally important that people are willing to endure risks because what they fight for belongs to them.
Don’t be trapped in false dilemmas of “welfare vs. security.” The peak of redistributive policies and social equality came during the Cold War, when military spending was far higher than it is today. Elites made concessions because they felt threatened by internal subversion and external aggression. So make them act today, not because of benevolence; they have none, but because of their greedy interests.
Remember that the influence of communist parties in postwar Europe was built on their role in the armed resistance against fascism. Even earlier, in feudal times, guilds in Brussels, trade unions of their time, won privileges precisely because their participation was essential for city defence. The lesson still holds: use moments of crisis to organise and demand change. Dictate your terms. Do not let elites off the hook. When they need us, make them pay the price!
The Time Is Now
Above all, do everything in your power to prevent war. But mind that the worst time to prepare for one is after it has already begun. The worst time to defend democracy is after it has collapsed. You still have time. I hope you will not wait.