Paweł Jędral
Although Russian propaganda--and the Polish media—perpetuate the image of Ukrainian soldiers as nationalists and Banderites, the truth is much more complex. The entire Ukrainian society serves in the army: volunteers, conscripts, former prisoners, men and women. People from right-wing circles dominate, but there are also leftists, and even anarchists and vegans.
A doctor from Azov, G., is a good soldier, doctor and colleague. We met this year in the Sumy region. He is an experienced anaesthesiologist who volunteered in February 2022, initially serving as an ordinary infantry soldier in one of the units usually associated with the right wing. It was only after a few months that his superiors realised their mistake and transferred him to a medical unit. Over the past three years, he has served in a number of different units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU). When I ask him about his motivation, his answer is clear: it was simply the right thing to do. However, our conversations about other people's motivations were much more interesting. “During my service, I met very different types of people in the army,” G. explains to me. "It was a really mixed group. I met not only wonderful people, true intellectuals, but also former prisoners. One colleague had spent eight years in prison for murder before joining the army. There were also people who were extremely right-wing and extremely left-wing. Some joined the army simply because they needed money and thought it was the best way to earn it, while others came for reasons of personal conviction," he adds. "It's hard for me to say what exactly united everyone or whether they were really united at all. In a sense, all types of people served, driven by different motivations.”
When we met, G. was working at a stabilisation point, where he was one of the most important people involved in logistics. A small, quiet and polite intellectual from Odesa, he shared his quarters with his driver, a powerful man from Donetsk, a former stadium hooligan and professional driver. One read books, built models and talked about law, literature and computer games in his spare time. The other did push-ups, swore so much that it made your ears wilt, and in his spare time told stories of stadium fights. They made a strange pair, but contrary to appearances, they worked very well together.
“When I joined my unit, I met very different people,” G. continues. "The doctors were mostly intellectuals who had volunteered. Most of them wanted to help the suffering, a small number were motivated by money, and some wanted self-fulfilment. Many of my colleagues spoke Russian, but they had no trouble switching to Ukrainian. There was greater diversity among the nurses and paramedics. The age range was enormous: from twenty to over seventy. Some nurses had lost their sons in the war and began to see every soldier as their own child. They were deeply broken by grief, but this loss gave them the strength to carry on. When I think about it, I realise that I met many people who were driven by loss,” he says.
“There were also men drafted straight off the street,” G. continues. "Some of them still had a very Soviet mindset, insisting that Ukrainians and Russians were 'brotherly nations' and blaming NATO for everything. Their worldview simply rejected any information that did not fit into it. They could fight the Russians on command, but still, after the fighting, they repeated Russian propaganda. But there were also paramedics and soldiers who completely changed their political views. Before, they were almost separatists, but after seeing mountains of wounded, destroyed lives and dead children, their perspective changed. Some even started speaking Ukrainian for the first time,” concludes G.
G. also points out that in his military experience, he met far more people with right-wing views.
“I thought about the people I served with, and to be honest, I can't remember too many memorable leftists,” says G. "What really struck me, however, was the strong, far-right narrative during the army's basic training camp. I understood why they were doing it—it's a sure-fire way to build community—but a lot of young lads took every word too literally. The main goal was to build up a raw, animalistic rage towards the Russians, a sense of sacrifice for the common cause, that sort of thing. But I never heard anything about our nation being better than others—it was all about Russians being repulsive, criminal and unorganised,” he explains.
Polish leftists and Ukrainian nationalists
Jakub Wojtuń, one of the pro-Ukrainian volunteers and president of the Świt Rescue and Aid Group, tells me how he saw Polish left-wing and Ukrainian right-wing circles working together for a common cause.
“Some time after the war began, I was at the headquarters of the Open Dialogue Foundation (ODF),” says Jakub Wojtuń. "They were producing bulletproof vests there: simple, imperfect, but better than nothing. We cut steel plates, welded them together and made inserts for the vests. What I remember most from that period is a strange sense of community: guys I knew to be rather conservative were cutting the plates, while typical alternative girls with coloured hair, tattoos and facial piercings were covering them with fabric. Rainbow flags and women's strike posters hung on the wall next to thank-you notes from Azov and the Third Assault Brigade. My Catholic friends from the Order of John Paul II worked on receiving and transporting the final products. As far as I remember, the vests were sent to Azov at the time. Volodya, a member of the Order, was receiving tents and other equipment for the Third Assault Brigade when I was there, which he then took to Ukraine, where his friend, also a knight, was serving,” he adds. “I remember someone from the ODF telling me how some guys from Ukraine arrived, from some unit with roots in the National Corps,” recalls Wojtuń. "Muscular, with tattoos of runes and other symbols, strong nationalists. They come in, and there are alternative types and leftists working on vests in the room. It seems like a strange situation, but contrary to appearances, everyone got along well and was cordial to each other. At that time, it was a fight against a greater evil, and no one was bothered by such differences.
In fact, in Ukraine itself, you can also see cooperation between traditionally left-wing non-governmental organisations and right-wing or, more generally, military units. It is worth mentioning such entities as Solidarity Collectives and Assembly Kharkiv.
As another Ukrainian soldier friend commented: “We can argue about how to decorate the house. We can argue fiercely, hate each other and fight each other. However, in the end, when Russia comes to burn down the house, of course we will cooperate with each other.’
Importantly, the Ukrainian left is not limited to civilian aid – many leftists, including those on the extreme left, have volunteered for the army and even created their own structures bringing soldiers together.
Vegans in the trenches
In the first days of August 2025, David Chichkan, a Ukrainian artist and anarcho-syndicalist who used art to critically analyse Ukrainian history and politics, was killed on the front line. In the years leading up to the full-scale war, he created works about the anarchist movement, often reinterpreting Ukrainian history. This drew a lot of criticism, including from the Ukrainian right wing. He was not afraid to accuse Ukrainian national heroes such as Symon Petlura or to highlight lesser-known or popular figures, often from marginalised groups or those sidelined by history. Chichkan wanted to join the Armed Forces of Ukraine in 2022, but failed to qualify for health reasons. In 2024, he managed to enlist as a volunteer. Hands accustomed to brushes and crayons worked with mortars for a year, until his death on August 10, 2025. His identity as soldier was important to Chichkan - it is one of three descriptions, alongside anarchist and artist, that appeared in his obituaries.
The Ecoplatform collective, which brings together Ukrainian eco-anarchists, is an extremely interesting organisation of left-wing soldiers. Chichkan repeatedly painted the faces of Ekoplatforma soldiers. Since 2022, the artist had focused on immortalising ”misfits” -- people who defied stereotypes and served in the Ukrainian armed forces: anarchists, feminists, Roma, international volunteers. Before his death, he wrote that he had portrayed only a small fraction of all the anti-authoritarian soldiers in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU). He hoped that one day he would immortalise them all.
“Before the war, we were active in several cities, mainly in Odesa,” says Wegan, a soldier of Ecoplatform. "We were involved in street protests, performances, and art. We organised exhibitions, published zines and, as far as possible, were socially active: we helped homeless people and animals, and distributed free vegan food. A few of us had experience of the war in Donbas, but most were civilian activists. When the war broke out [editor's note: full-scale war in 2022], half of us joined the army, and the other half volunteered for other tasks," says the soldier with a sad smile. "Now it doesn't matter. All the men from Ekoplatforma are already in the army, divided among different units.” Some of his colleagues served in the Anti-Authoritarian Platoon, a unit composed of anarchists and numbering about 70 members, which operated at the beginning of the war as part of the territorial defence. It was disbanded at the turn of 2022 and 2023, and its members were distributed among other units. However, through collectives such as Ecoplatform and the Resistance Committee, which is the largest structure of its kind and to which Chichkan also belonged, left-wing soldiers maintain contact and cooperation with each other. Most Ecoplatform soldiers also try to follow a vegan diet while on duty. This is not easy, because despite the large number of vegans and vegetarians in the AFU, food rations adapted to the needs of such people have not yet been introduced on a large scale.
Wegan explains that if someone risks their life in the service of the state, burdening them with the additional daily effort of constantly checking what they can and cannot eat from the available dishes, or expecting them to “put aside” their beliefs and values built up over a lifetime, is simply ineffective. The military implements many procedures to make it easier for soldiers to function and allow them to focus on key tasks — forcing them to break their own dietary rules undermines these efforts. However, he emphasises that it is not all bad.
“The army usually provides a variety of food supplies to units, and we can choose what suits us,” says Wegan. "It's different every time — there have been tinned and canned vegan foods, hummus and vegan protein sources.
“Sometimes someone will bring us vegan treats as gifts: a few bags of Huela, sweets, vegan cheese. However, this is not common. Usually, unless we are in a terrible situation and very close to the front line, there are plenty of vegetables, fresh or processed, tinned beans and other things. Sometimes we have food rations and other food, so we share the rations among ourselves — someone who eats meat will take a tin of meat, someone else will take sweets, someone else will take tea, and we will supplement this with independently supplied food. Cooking in such conditions forces you to be creative,” he says.
“As a rule, however, extensive planning saves us,” says Alfarius, also a soldier of Ecoplatform. "You have to plan in advance what you will take to your position, what you will take with you. You have to spread small portions in different places in case you have to move quickly or abandon some of your equipment. Thanks to this approach, I always had plenty of food. It sounds absurd, but seriously…I sometimes shared food with non-vegan colleagues who didn't prepare properly for moving to new positions or for combat," he says. “There were cases when, during heavy fighting, due to circumstances, I had to abandon various great vegan products, such as vegan sausages or supplements, left at positions or carried in additional bags, in order to get out of the encirclement or drag an injured colleague to a safe place,” says Alfarius. “I missed them a little afterwards, but you know, it was a higher necessity.”
Alfarius and Wegan are very young. They volunteered because they want to fight the invader. However, it is important for them to do so in accordance with their own principles.
“Many people believe that animal suffering is not important right now because we are at war, which overrides all other conditions and principles,” Wegan wrote in one of the essays available on the Ekoplatforma website. "This is an example of speciesism: discrimination based on species, an anthropocentric perspective in which human convenience, traditions and habits are considered more important than the lives and suffering of animals. Animals are extremely vulnerable. They suffer as a result of both war and traditional human exploitation, even if we try not to think about it.”
In conversations, anarchist soldiers emphasise how important it is for them to promote healthy models of leadership in the units in which they serve. In the military, it is easy to see the dark side of a rigid hierarchy. There are officers who lack concern for their subordinates, and there are cases of bullying and communication problems that can cost lives. “In our units, we try — or at least we make attempts — to create different relationships: ones in which commanders and soldiers openly discuss decisions and the risks involved,” Alfarius explains to me. From what he says, it seems that there is a great deal of freedom in the Ukrainian army. Often, the rules and style of unit management, especially at the squad level, depend on the soldiers and commanders themselves.
Left-wing soldiers in assault units
Vegan is keen to dispel the stereotype that vegans or environmental activists are — unlike nationalists — incapable of fighting. He and his colleagues often serve in assault units, as evidenced by recordings and accounts of the fighting. The stories are often published in zines or on dedicated Telegram channels.
One of the Ecoplatform soldiers describes clashes in the Donbas region. During the fighting for Klishchiyivka, they managed to break up several Russian landing platoons and Rosgvardia Akhmat [Chechen National Guard] units, although not without losses. Near Kurdiumivka, he and another soldier, Krut (Mole), found themselves briefly surrounded. The enemy attacked, and communication problems with other units made the situation worse. In the heat of battle, the anarchist's rifle jammed. All he had left was an F-1 grenade. Together with Krut, they retreated to a railway embankment. The Russians gathered right next to their makeshift hideout, but the Ukrainians threw grenades at them, inflicting casualties. Eventually, the enemy located their position and also fired grenades. Krut was hit by shrapnel, one piece of which lodged in his neck. He survived thanks to the help of his colleague in a dug-in position on the railway embankment. Vegan was unharmed and, using his wounded colleague's rifle, killed one of the attackers. The soldiers managed to make contact with the rest of their unit and evacuate, although they lost a lot of equipment, including a jammed rifle, first aid kits and vegan food. However, both survived and captured a radio abandoned by the enemy, which allowed them to eavesdrop on Russian communications. There are more similar accounts and recordings. These are mainly typical trench scenes, GoPro recordings and stories about ‘cleansing’ positions of Russians. One shocking story is when, during the retreat, one of the Ekoplatforma soldiers noticed a figure running a few metres away and mistook him for one of his own. It was only after a long run, at night, in the dark, when the other soldier spoke and asked his name, that the anarchist realised he was Russian. At the last moment, he raised his rifle and shot the attacker in the stomach and then in the head from a distance of perhaps two metres.
Svyatoslav, a soldier of the Ecoplatform, a veteran of the war in Donbas in 2014-2016, and a vegan and environmental activist, died in May 2022. This ideological pacifist was also one of the most experienced soldiers in battle. Several independent collectives keep his memory alive. Fallen soldiers from anti-authoritarian circles are often commemorated in the form of murals and planted trees. Although there are far fewer of them than soldiers from far-right circles, the number of fallen anti-authoritarians is already in the dozens.
An imperfect alliance
Although the war against the Russian invader is universal in nature, the alliance between the various groups fighting within the AFU is very fragile. Fights between nationalists and anarchists still occur on the streets of Kyiv and Odesa. Despite their brotherhood in arms, some soldiers refuse to cooperate with extreme political opponents — an example of this is Chichkan himself, who for a long time refused to cooperate with nationalist and extreme right-wing circles. The latter, although they attended his funeral and honoured his death, were also responsible for disrupting the ceremony: one of the representatives of the right-wing Russian volunteer corps, Denis Nikitin, tried to take the rainbow flag away from Viktor Pylypenko, president of the NGO Військові ЛГБТ (Ukrainian LGBTIQ+ Military and Veterans for Equal Rights), a rainbow flag. However, other funeral attendees objected to this behaviour. It is extremely important to be aware of how different people are fighting as volunteers in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, although it would be very naive to expect that the war will bury all differences between them. In this situation, it is important for the future of Ukrainian society that neither side of the internal conflict monopolises the memory of the war. Firstly, the new Ukraine that will emerge after the war will need a strong founding myth that distinguishes above all the defenders of the homeland, regardless of their views or political affiliation. Secondly, the Ukrainian example can be a model for the European left, which has lost its revolutionary and radical character. Thirdly, basic honesty and loyalty to veterans and the fallen demand recognition of the participation of left-wing activists in the war.
Paweł Jędral is a reporter, columnist and analyst. Graduate of Interdisciplinary Individual Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of Warsaw. He has collaborated with the third sector, the scientific sector and the consulting sector. He deals with issues related to international conflicts, health care, international law and environmental protection.
Translation: Szymon Martys